
By
S. Kent Brown
Editor’s
note: This information comes from a new book, The
Lost 500 Years: What Happened Between the Old and
New Testaments,
by S. Kent Brown and Richard Neitzel Holzapfel.
Click to Buy
Above all else,
the fall of Jerusalem and its temple in July 587 BC
shaped the future of the Israelite people ever after.
The Babylonian forces fell on the city as a hammer,
permanently fragmenting any cohesion that people had
enjoyed.
Only after this catastrophe, which
the city’s citizens could have avoided if they
had listened to the prophet Jeremiah (Jer. 34), do
we learn of Jewish people living away from the holy
center in such disparate places as Asia Minor and
Upper Egypt. In effect, the small colony of Lehi and
Sariah was a part of the forced dispersion. The aftermath
can be best described as gloomy.
For fifty years the refugees bided their time in Babylon.
Their wait came to a promising end when the new Persian
monarch, Cyrus (550–530 BC), issued a decree
in 538 BC that allowed Jews to return to their former
homeland (Ezra 1). Of those living in Babylon, only
a few returned. Those who stayed would become the
ancestors of the largest group of Israelites in the
New Testament era, vastly outnumbering those who returned
to ancient Palestine.
Over time, the Babylonian Jews
would bring leadership and aid to those living in
and around Jerusalem. One thinks of Nehemiah and Ezra
as well as the support that Jewish partisans in ancient
Palestine received during the monumental struggle
against Rome in AD 66–70.
The return of the exiles was both energizing and disappointing.
People were glad to come home. They had talked about
this day for a long time. But those who remembered
the city as it had been were tortured with the view
of blackened homes and blighted buildings. Through
the eyes of the prophet Haggai, who became God’s
mouthpiece in 520 BC, we learn that the returnees
successfully rebuilt their own homes but cared for
little else, including the broken temple and collapsed
city walls (Hag. 1:2, 4).
Haggai and his contemporary, Zechariah,
cajoled and coaxed citizens into rebuilding the temple
so that divine blessings could once again flow into
the society. Even then, the resulting structure made
those weep who could recall the splendid temple of
Solomon from their youths (Ezra 3:12). It would not
be until the winter of 20/19 BC that major renovations,
under the direction of King Herod, would begin to
fashion the temple into one of the most imposing monuments
in the Roman world.
Of course, the temple stood at the center of everything.
Its mere presence, along with its ceremonies and regulation
of worship life, instilled a sense of purpose and
symmetry and unity within the society. Because of
the temple’s weighty importance, priests became
the most important members of the community.
Oddly, the temple also became
a divisive object. The Samaritans, the living descendants
of those who had populated the northern kingdom of
Israel, sought to help the recently returned Jews
in their rebuilding efforts. But the former exiles
refused (Ezra 3:1–4:3). In their eyes, the northerners
had lost their identity as true Israelites when waves
of immigrants arrived after the fall of their kingdom
in 722 BC to the Assyrian King Sargon II (722–705
BC; 2 Kgs. 17:22–41). The rancor that developed
would split the Jews in the south from the Samaritans
in the north for centuries.
We can see a tiny piece of that
split by looking at the conversation between Jesus
and the Samaritan woman at the old well of Jacob (John
4).
In this conversation we see that one of the dividing
walls between Samaritans and Jews arose within the
nettlesome question of where to build the temple and
where to worship. The Samaritans knew that the earliest
Israelites in the country came to the northern city
of Shechem to celebrate the ritual entry into the
Promised Land (Joshua 8:30–35). They also knew
that God had given Joshua a commandment to build a
sanctuary on Mount Ebal, overlooking Shechem, and
that one had stood for decades at Shiloh, not far
south of the valley of Shechem. In fact, in the Bible
the Samaritans read that a future temple was to stand
on Mount Gerizim, which arose on the south of the
valley and was full of springs (Deut. 27:1–8).
They built that temple in the latter part of the fourth
century BC, but little of it remains because it was
razed by the Jewish priest-king John Hyrcanus in 128
BC — an act that permanently divided Jews and
Samaritans thereafter.
Of all the personalities who influenced Jewish society
during the intertestamental period, the most important
was Alexander the Great. His sweeping conquest of
the vast Persian Empire in the late fourth century
BC not only subdued ancient Palestine, putting it
under the foot of Greek overlords, but also spread
Greek culture across the land and its people. The
almost immediate growth of Greek temples and schools
(gymnasia), theaters and libraries, impacted large
portions of the population, leading some to embrace
Greek ways and driving others to fiercely oppose such
manners, a situation that persisted well past the
New Testament era.
Naturally, we cannot minimize the lasting contributions
of Nehemiah and Ezra, men who grew up in Babylonia
but lived much of their adult lives in Jerusalem.
Nehemiah, appointed governor of Judea and, according
to Josephus, arriving in Jerusalem in 440 BC, galvanized
people into rebuilding the protecting wall around
the city in fifty-two days (Neh. 2:1–5:16).
Moreover, he brought order into a society that, save
for the leadership of the priests at the temple, had
not enjoyed real unity for a century and a half.
After he was appointed as governor
a second time, beginning in 433 BC (Neh. 13:6), he
regularized worship so that priests and Levites received
their share of the offerings that came to the temple
and he forbade merchants from bringing their wares
to the city on the Sabbath (Neh. 13:12–13, 16–21).
Ezra instituted religious and social reforms that
lasted hundreds of years after his time. Bearing a
letter from the Persian sovereign Artaxerxes (465–424
BC), he apparently arrived in Jerusalem in August
428 BC. At the feast of Tabernacles in October, he
and his associates read the law at the temple from
the Hebrew record, a record that no one in the society
could readily understand. So he and his fellows provided
a translation into Aramaic, the language which people
had acquired during the long years in Babylon (Neh.
8:1–8, 13, 18).
This was evidently the first exercise
in translating and commenting on the sacred scripture
orally, a tradition that reached into the New Testament
era as demonstrated by Jesus who, in the synagogue
at Nazareth, read a text from Isaiah 61 and then commented
on it in the local tongue (Luke 4:16–27).
A second important reform took
place in a driving rainstorm two months later. People
in the society had married non-Jewish spouses and
were raising their children in a dual-cultural atmosphere.
Ezra led his people to reject this way of life and
even to divorce their non-Jewish spouses (Ezra 10).
We can only imagine the pain that this caused people
across the city and the countryside. It was a time
of severe testing. But under the leadership of Ezra,
people persevered, changing their lives forever. Thus,
within a few months, Ezra reshaped much that endures
and endears in his society.
Ezra’s reading of the law in a now strange tongue
brings up the entire matter of scripture during the
intertestamental era. The Israelites who lived before
the Babylonian exile spoke Hebrew. Those who returned
from exile had adopted Aramaic, the language of their
captors, a sister language to Hebrew, much as Spanish
and Italian are sister languages.
The Hebrew Bible seems to have
taken much of its current shape in the intertestamental
age, possibly under the influence of Ezra, though
it would not be fixed fully until the ninth century
AD. To be sure, Lehi’s catalogue of the collection
on the brass plates illustrates that some of the scripture
had already been brought together before 600 BC (1
Ne. 5:11–15). But following the exile Jewish
readers who no longer understood their beloved Hebrew
texts faced new challenges.
For those who lived in Greek-speaking regions, especially
Lower Egypt, the necessity for an understandable version
of scripture presented itself as early as the third
century BC. Hence, Jewish savants in Egypt began the
loving process of translating the Hebrew Bible into
Greek, a process that seems to have taken several
decades, despite the famous story recorded in the
ancient Letter of Aristeas that seventy-two scholars
from Jerusalem translated the whole of the Bible in
a few weeks. The result was the Septuagint, which
eventually became the Bible to which the Apostle Paul
and other Christian missionaries appealed when preaching
in the Roman world. The Septuagint, incidentally,
expands the canon of scripture because it includes
more books than the Hebrew Bible, specifically the
fourteen books accepted by Roman Catholics.
Of course, the Hebrew version of scripture remained
paramount. Worshipers in ancient Palestine read from
it regularly in synagogue services. But because not
all could understand its meaning, other people in
the synagogue would re-render the text in Aramaic
or offer an interpretation, as Jesus did in Nazareth.
These re-renderings came to be known as Targums, from
the Hebrew root that means “to interpret.”
At first, such Targums were in oral form. But people
eventually came to feel the need to preserve in writing
the best re-renderings and interpretations of scripture.
Other Jews chose different paths for preserving and
deciding on the shape of scripture. The Essenes of
the Dead Sea venerated the books of the Hebrew Bible,
except for the book of Esther (which does not mention
God in its record). In fact, the Dead Sea Scrolls
have preserved variant versions of some biblical texts,
including Isaiah and Jeremiah, showing that the Essenes
felt little or no tension in reading scriptural records
that differed one from another.
In addition, it is clear that
they venerated a larger group of scripture books than
did the Jews who were responsible for preserving and
copying the Hebrew Bible as it has come to us. The
Essenes held as authoritative such works as the book
of Jubilees, a text that retells the early chapters
of the Bible, and the book of First Enoch which is
quoted as scripture by the New Testament epistle of
Jude (Jude 1:14–15).
The Samaritans chose an entirely different path. They
came to venerate only the Pentateuch, the books of
Genesis through Deuteronomy. They did not accept the
historical, prophetic and other works that appear
in the current Hebrew Bible. One reason seems to be
that in those books the temple in Jerusalem was called
the worship center of the nation. Quoting the Lord’s
words to Solomon, we read: “I have hallowed
this house [the temple], which thou has built, to
put my name there for ever” (1 Kgs. 9:3; also
8:16–19; 2 Sam. 7:13; etc.).
As a result of their
decision, the Samaritans did not enjoy access to the
riches of the other books of the Bible. One of the
casualties of the Samaritans’ decision was their
lack of a Messiah in their doctrinal repertoire. Most
other Jews looked forward to a Messiah; typically,
the Samaritans did not. To her credit, the Samaritan
woman whom Jesus met at the well believed that a Messiah
would come, and that belief allowed her to accept
the Savior (John 4:25).
The long centuries between Malachi (ca. 450 BC) and
the first New Testament records saw sweeping changes,
from kings and princes to priests and foreign rulers,
from a unified people before the exile to many chastened
people living away from Judea, from reliance chiefly
on the temple to a realization that scripture can
and will offer consolation and guidance. At base,
when we leave the pages of the Old Testament and immerse
ourselves in the pages of the New, we find ourselves
in a world transformed by a myriad of influences that
had intersected people’s lives for both good
and ill.
Information about the book:
S. Kent Brown and Richard Neitzel Holzapfel, The
Lost 500 Years: What Happened Between the Old and
New Testaments
A Special Illustrated Edition (Salt Lake City: Deseret
Book, 2006).